The Indian elections have ended, and Narendra Modi has been sworn in for a 3rd time period. Nonetheless, the opposition alliance (‘INDIA’) proclaimed the ‘moral and political defeat’ of Modi in these elections. Why?
Throughout the election marketing campaign, Modi’s celebration, the BJP, and his ruling coalition, the Nationwide Democratic Alliance (NDA), boastfully campaigned that this time they might win greater than 400 seats — Ab Ki Baar 400 paar. The professional-Modi media went right into a frenzy for the slogan and instantly began projecting ‘400 seats’.
The favored discourse obsessively revolved round exactly this query: Will the NDA win 400 seats? Everybody appeared to disregard the fundamental undeniable fact that solely 270 seats are wanted to type the federal government.
So when the BJP gained 240 seats, and the NDA 293 seats, it got here as a shock. And it’s true: for the primary time in ten years, Modi must govern not with an absolute majority however with a coalition.
But if one reads solely the liberal media protection of those outcomes, it typically appeared just like the opposition, not Modi, had gained.
Many pundits heralded the triumph of democracy, and the defeat of Modi’s authoritarianism. Pratap Bhanu Mehta, an influential liberal commentator, argued that ‘the air of despondency, the suffocating shadow of authoritarianism, and the nauseous winds of communalism have, at least for the moment, lifted.’
However listed here are the straightforward information of the election: BJP gained 240 seats and the oppositional alliance 232 seats. BJP primarily retained 36 per cent of the whole electoral vote share from the 2019 election, whereas the opposition alliance obtained 21.19 per cent.
This result’s actually a setback for Modi, the BJP, and the Hindu nationalist Proper extra broadly; it’s actually a respite for opposition forces. However it might be foolhardy to have a good time this second as a victory.
Sober evaluation of the Left
At this second, I provide three observations in regards to the troublesome path ahead for Indian democracy.
First, some excellent news: the poor, the Muslims, the Dalits, and the ‘Other Backward Classes’ – the socially marginalized and oppressed sections of India’s inhabitants – voted in opposition to the Modi regime. The oppositional alliance, campaigning on problems with welfare, jobs and constitutionalism, was successfully capable of mobilize these sections in opposition to Modi’s authoritarianism. This was a much-needed course correction for the liberal Left: a renewal of a social-democratic political discourse.
Second, a extra sobering truth: the share share of the pro-Modi vote didn’t drop. There are two inferences to attract from this, one optimistic, one pessimistic. The optimistic inference is that the oppositional alliance developed a remarkably efficient seat-sharing pact among the many member events to transform vote share into seat wins. That is no imply feat, given the alliance is ideologically numerous and stuffed with distinguished political personalities, with accompanying cliques and cults.
The pessimistic inference is what I had argued earlier than the election: Hindu nationalism has achieved hegemony. There’s a consolidated Hindu voting bloc on which the Hindu nationalist forces can rely for electoral victories regardless of alienating huge sections of India’s poor and marginalized. It signifies that electoral competitors in India now happens substantively over solely 65 per cent of the citizens, exterior the Hindu voting bloc – principally the poor and voters in these peripheral states the place subnational and regional identities dominate. The problem for the opposition going ahead will probably be to play a defensive battle to maintain BJP restricted to their 35 per cent vote share and under absolutely the majority by way of seats.
My third commentary is that there are rising fractures contained in the ruling dispensation. There are two facets to this. Firstly, the extreme celebration centralization underneath Modi is creating fissures contained in the celebration by alienating each celebration cadres and the Hindu nationalist volunteer organizations that usually present mobilization assist to the BJP. Secondly, the BJP’s coalition companions, the Telugu Desam Celebration (TDP), from the state of Andhra Pradesh, and the Janta Dal-United (JDU), from the state of Bihar, will definitely restrict the room for Modi to manoeuver. This can generate a basic dilemma for the BJP — does it advance strongly Hindu nationalist politics or make compromises with companions who’ve completely different regional pursuits? The previous will jeopardize Modi’s coalition, the latter will dissatisfy his Hindu base. This coalitional constraint on Modi will probably be his largest problem within the third time period.
The subsequent steps for India’s left/liberal opposition won’t be easy. The primary, minimal requirement will probably be for the INDIA alliance to stay unified, reasonably than disintegrating petty disagreements.
The subsequent job will probably be to use relentless stress on all authoritarian practices and Hindu nationalist insurance policies of the federal government. This contains each supporting civil society protests in opposition to the regime and continuously publicizing governmental failures. On the identical time, the opposition ought to proceed to mobilize the category and caste poor of India and to advocate for regional and subnational points and issues — that is the defensive battle for the 65 per cent of the citizens. The objective is to forestall Hindu nationalists from drawing within the poor Hindu, Dalit, and OBC (‘other backward classes’) teams into the Hindu voting bloc organized in opposition to Muslims. An encouraging demonstration by the opposition of the medium-term objective was the excessive illustration of OBCs (particularly decrease OBC), Dalits, and Muslims on its listing of election candidates; the BJP candidates had been principally upper-caste Hindus.
An extended-term job for the Indian opposition is to develop a extra substantial voting bloc round problems with inequality and constitutional freedoms. Politicization of caste, class, and regional/subnational inequalities are the important thing parts of the long-term job: it should entrench and deepen the social-democratic discourse it devised throughout the elections — and make worth commitments to equality and freedom appear to be frequent sense. Every time the opposition alliance types governments at state elections, they must marketing campaign after which govern based on these ideas.
Within the summary, these targets needs to be attainable. Sadly, the present opposition alliance is stuffed with opportunistic, shortsighted, and corrupt politicians. That the Indian Left has been so desirous to have a good time Modi’s setback as a major victory strikes me as an indication of weak point. Actual progress will probably be sober evaluation, by extra farsighted leaders, of the challenges forward.
Till then, democracy in India will proceed to be on life-support.
This text was first printed by Public Seminar on 24 June 2024.